Islamization of Texas: Terror-Linked Pakistani Group Seizes Houston Streets for Prophet Muhammad Parade (Video) September 19, 2025
Houston’s parade for Islam’s prophet’s birthday, led by Dawat-e-Islami, was a power play — seizing American streets while hiding an extremist agenda behind charity.
In Houston, city streets were surrendered to Eid Milaad un Nabi — an Islamic holiday celebrating the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday. Activists promote it as a harmless cultural festival, but it is nothing of the sort.
This is not an American tradition. It is a political-religious spectacle glorifying Muhammad — remembered not as a man of peace, but as a warlord who expanded power through conquest, enforced submission by the sword, silenced dissent, married a child, and built a system that left no space for freedom of conscience.
No one grew up in America watching armies of Muslims march down our streets — blasting music, waving Islamic flags, seizing public space in the name of their prophet. That was not America. But it is now.
This is what Islamization looks like:
- First, the streets. Public space is claimed under the cover of “cultural celebration.”
- Then, normalization. Politicians cheer it on, terrified to say no.
- Finally, acceleration. Each march, each parade, each flag plant speeds up the process of domination.
Islamic parades in the West are not neutral. They are demonstrations of visibility, power, and ownership. When Dawat-e-Islami shut down blocks of Houston for its procession, it was not simply celebrating — it was planting a flag. The message was unmistakable: these streets now belong to us.
Such displays were never part of American life. Streets filled with Islamic flags, chants, and slogans mark a transformation. What was once unimaginable in the United States is now becoming reality.
Look at Europe. Look at London. Look at Paris. The same parades and “celebrations” marked the beginning of cultural conquest. Entire neighborhoods soon followed, living under parallel Islamic authority.
Muhammad is being glorified on American soil. Politicians remain silent as a jihadi who slaughtered Jews and Christians is praised in our streets. Families are forced to watch Houston morph into another imported stronghold of Islamic power.
This is raw power and control, unfolding openly in front of us.
Who is Behind It? Dawat-e-Islami
The march was organized by Dawat-e-Islami, a Pakistan-founded Islamic movement now operating as a tax-exempt 501(c)(3) nonprofit in the United States. It runs 13 centers across America and presents itself as a purely religious and educational charity.
But beneath that veneer lies a record that should alarm every American:
- Links to assassins and extremists.
- The murderer of Pakistani governor Salman Taseer was reported to have ties to Dawat-e-Islami.A French-Pakistani who stabbed two people outside Charlie Hebdo’s old offices in 2020 was described by his own father as a disciple of Dawat-e-Islami’s founder, Ilyas Qadri — whom the attacker himself named as his ‘guide.’ Qadri has openly declared: ‘All Muslim scholars agree that a blasphemer must be killed… if a lover of the Prophet kills a blasphemer extra-judicially, the killer is not executed.’
- In India, police linked one of the men who beheaded a Hindu tailor in Udaipur to training at a Dawat-e-Islami center in Pakistan.
- Glorification of violence. Dawat-e-Islami-affiliated media has published tributes to blasphemy killers as “holy warriors,” reinforcing the ideology that dissent from Islam deserves death.
- Antisemitic and sectarian rhetoric. In the U.K., DEI apologized after distributing a leaflet describing a former synagogue as a “place of worship of non-believers.”
South Asian Islam has long been split between the Deobandi and Barelvi sects. Deobandis are behind groups like the Taliban and Jaish-e-Muhammad, which dominate global jihad networks. Western analysts often point to the Barelvis as the ‘moderate’ foil — but Dawat-e-Islami proves this narrative false.
But the danger of Dawat-e-Islami is not limited to individuals inspired to commit violence. Its entire ideological foundation — rooted in the Barelvi sect — carries a darker agenda often hidden beneath charitable campaigns and spiritual language.
These incidents are symptoms of a deeper problem: the ideology baked into Dawat-e-Islami itself.
The Barelvi Mask
Dawat-e-Islami is rooted in the Barelvi sect of Islam, a movement often portrayed in the West as a “moderate” counterbalance to Deobandi or Salafi extremism. Yet in practice, Dawat-e-Islami has shown itself to be anything but moderate.
Behind occasional charitable campaigns — blood drives, food rations, and aid programs — lies a hardline agenda. DeI openly commits itself to the enforcement of sharia law, describing polytheism as a “heinous act” punishable by “the most admonitory and worst form of death.” Its founder, Ilyas Qadri, instructs followers that boycotting Jewish products is not enough; Muslims must avoid even imitating Jewish behavior.
In DeI’s own teachings, participation in jihad is presented as an obligation, with preachers like Muhammad Qasim Attari quoting scripture demanding Muslims join battles for Islam’s cause. While Western audiences are told the group is “non-political,” its literature and sermons push an uncompromising ideological program.
The organization also enforces cult-like discipline. American preachers loyal to Qadri have declared that anyone who deviates from the Dawat-e-Islami line risks excommunication and “should worry about his hereafter.” Even other Muslims are not safe: Ahmadiyya Muslims are denounced as heretics, with Barelvi lobbying helping entrench the death penalty for Ahmadis in Pakistan. Abroad, Dawat-e-Islami followers have attacked or killed those they deem apostates — including Asad Shah, a Scottish Ahmadi shopkeeper murdered in 2016 by a DeI adherent.
It was another Barelvi cleric, Tahir ul-Qadri, who played a central role in introducing Pakistan’s capital punishment laws for blasphemy — legislation that has fueled systematic persecution of Christians and Ahmadis, showing that the Barelvi movement weaponizes law as readily as it unleashes mobs.
DeI’s record across Europe is equally disturbing. At a “Day of the Prophet” rally in Offenbach, Germany, DeI speakers celebrated the assassination of Pakistani governor Salman Taseer and openly endorsed the killing of blasphemers. In 2020, Zaheer Hassan Mahmoud, a DeI member, stabbed two people outside the former offices of Charlie Hebdo in Paris.
In 2017, Khatme Nubuwwat — a Barelvi-linked network dedicated to eradicating the Ahmadiyya faith — held a conference in Virginia, backed by American mosques. Speakers warned of supposed Ahmadi ‘conspiracies’ and openly discussed lobbying to criminalize the Ahmadi religion in the United States. Though formally distinct from Dawat-e-Islami, Khatme Nubuwwat draws from the same Barelvi ideology — proof that sectarian hatred is not confined to Pakistan or Europe, but is being incubated on U.S. soil.
This is the same organization operating as a tax-exempt charity in the United States, running 13 centers, including in Houston.
Despite all this, Dawat-e-Islami is not banned in the U.S. or other Western countries. It exploits nonprofit protections, tax exemptions, and the language of “charity” to expand its reach, even as individuals connected to it repeatedly show up in cases of jihadist violence.
The Bigger Picture
What happened in Houston isn’t just about one parade. It is a test. Every time American cities hand over their streets, their permits, and their public spaces for the glorification of Muhammad, the process of Islamization accelerates.
Europe has already shown us where this road leads: parallel societies, political intimidation, religious enforcement, and ultimately the collapse of national identity.
Dawat-e-Islami has already planted itself in America under the guise of charity. Houston was the latest warning. The question now is whether Americans will force their politicians to confront this threat in our streets — or keep looking away until it’s too late.
