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TRUMP FAMILY MAKING BILLIONS ON NEW BUSINESS VENTURES…

Trump’s Profiteering Hits $4 Billion

In August, I reported that the President and his family had made $3.4 billion by leveraging his position. After his first year back in office, the number has ballooned.
By David D. Kirkpatrick

January 31, 2026

Donald Trump opening a bank safe.
Illustration by Erik Carter
At the start of Donald Trump’s first term, he promised that he and his family would never do anything that might even be “perceived to be exploitive of office of the Presidency.” By contrast, his second term looks rapacious. He and members of his family have signed a blitz of foreign mega-deals shadowed by conflicts of interest, and they’ve launched at least five different cryptocurrency enterprises, all of which leverage Trump’s status as President to lure buyers or investors. Ethics watchdogs say that no other President has ever so nakedly exploited his position, or on such a scale. Trump recently explained to the Times why he cast aside his former restraint: “I found out that nobody cared.”
Is Trump right about the public’s nonchalance? Last summer, I tallied how much money he and his immediate family had made off his high office. My method was conservative. It seemed unfair to begrudge Trump the profits from the many businesses he owned before entering the White House. So I excluded from my calculation preëxisting hotels, condos, and golf courses, along with plausible extensions of those long-standing businesses. Likewise, Trump is hardly the first President to trade access or potential influence for political fund-raising, and he generally cannot spend such money on personal expenses, so I set that aside, too. Lastly, I left out funny-money assets he couldn’t readily cash out without setting off a fire sale that would eviscerate their value, such as his shares in the company behind Truth Social, his social-media platform.
Even excluding all that, by August, the Presidential profiteering reached $3.4 billion. (You can review my judgments in the article, “The Number.”) And since then the First Family has kept busy. The end of Trump’s first year in office seemed an opportune time for an update. Did the family business slow down or speed up for the Trumps?
AMERICAN BITCOIN REDUX
Many investors and consumers understandably distrust cryptocurrency and digital finance. Crypto heists are alarmingly common, and the best-known uses of digital currency are money laundering and casino-like financial speculation. President Trump himself, before his most recent campaign, maintained that Bitcoin “seems like a scam” and that crypto “can facilitate unlawful behavior.” But an association with a sitting President can furnish a valuable credibility boost. Think of the premium that investors will pay for U.S. Treasury bonds compared to notes from some little-known bank. That appears, in a nutshell, to be the Trump family’s strategy with crypto.
The Trumps’ first windfall since my August tally occurred through American Bitcoin, a company that mines new bitcoin with the intent to hoard it. (Under the algorithm that created bitcoin, miners get paid in new tokens for the computer work of tracking digital transactions.) Last spring, Eric and Donald Trump, Jr., contributed their family name—and nothing else of obvious value—to a complicated series of transactions that yielded them approximately a thirteen-per-cent stake in American Bitcoin. Eric, who is now listed as its co-founder and chief strategy officer, has become the company’s public face. If Eric and Donald, Jr.,’s father had lost the 2024 election, surely no one would have handed them such a large stake in a business that they had virtually no experience in and to which they had contributed so little—so their stake should be categorized as Presidential profit. In August, I calculated that the brothers’ thirteen-per-cent stake in the company’s computer hardware alone added at least thirteen million dollars to the family’s profiteering tally.
In September, the company floated shares on the stock market, capitalizing in another way on the cachet of the Trump name. American Bitcoin merged with a penny-stock bitcoin miner as a way of going public without the cost—or scrutiny—of an initial public offering. And the stock market, as expected, has put a far higher price on the company, in part because it owns a stockpile of bitcoin. The brothers’ stake now appears to be worth around two hundred million dollars. A caveat: Eric Trump, as a large and active investor in American Bitcoin, must report any sale of shares, and that might trigger a selloff. So it seems excessive to add it all to the Presidential-profit ledger. I will add only the approximate value of Donald Trump, Jr.,’s stake: about a hundred million dollars.
The number in August: $3.4 billion
Additional profit: $100 million
New total: $3.5 billion
WORLD LIBERTY FINANCIAL, BINANCE, AND PAKISTAN
The Trumps have made even more money since August through World Liberty Financial, a digital-finance startup heavily linked to the family. Its website lists the President as a “co-founder emeritus” and displays his photograph prominently; Eric, Donald, Jr., and Barron Trump are all listed as co-founders. Steven Witkoff, the President’s old friend and diplomatic envoy, is also listed as a co-founder emeritus, and his son Zach is C.E.O.
In May, World Liberty began selling a form of crypto known as a stablecoin. Unlike digital currencies such as bitcoin, which rise and fall in price, a stablecoin is supposed to hold a fixed value in dollars. Before July, when President Trump signed the first legislation regulating stablecoin, some of the best-known examples, such as TerraUSD, had turned out to be Ponzi schemes. (In December, a New York court sentenced TerraUSD’s co-founder to fifteen years in prison.) But World Liberty promised that its stablecoin, USD1, will always be worth exactly one dollar. Buyers can transfer USD1 to move money or make payments, and any holder can redeem USD1 for dollars. In between, while USD1s are circulating, World Liberty invests the cash that it is holding in U.S. Treasury bonds, in much the same way a savings bank might invest deposits. At current interest rates, World Liberty can expect to earn more than four per cent annually on the volume of USD1 in circulation.
Last spring, a company owned by the rulers of the United Arab Emirates bought two billion dollars’ worth of USD1. The transaction raised alarms about the appearance of a payoff—because the U.A.E. was simultaneously seeking approval from the Trump Administration to acquire sensitive American artificial-intelligence technology. (President Trump soon granted that approval.) The Emiratis immediately used the stablecoin to invest in Binance, the largest crypto exchange, which has its own interest in influencing Trump. In 2023, Binance’s founder, Changpeng Zhao, known as C.Z., pleaded guilty to violating anti-money-laundering laws, served a brief prison sentence, and agreed to stop running the company. At the time of the two-billion-dollar stablecoin payment from the U.A.E., he was petitioning Trump for a pardon. Binance, as the holder of the stablecoin, can determine how long World Liberty continues earning four per cent a year on that two billion dollars. In other words, Binance controls how much profit the Trumps will make from the two-billion-dollar stablecoin sale. In October, Trump granted C.Z.’s request for a pardon. (David Wachsman, a spokesman for World Liberty, told me that Binance cannot “exert control or influence over World Liberty Financial.”)
Binance is currently seeking to end federal monitoring that had been imposed when he was convicted for violating anti-money-laundering laws. Now the company is goosing the Trumps’ stablecoin profits in another way. On December 11th, Binance dropped its fees for certain crypto trades if they were conducted in USD1. Then, on December 23rd, Binance began paying users of its platform to hold USD1: Binance announced that, for the next month, it would give users a bonus equal to about 1.7 per cent on up to fifty thousand dollars’ worth of USD1 holdings. If this return rate were annualized, it would yield an eye-popping twenty per cent. And, on January 23rd, Binance announced a combination of new giveaways to USD1 holders which roughly extended that offer. Many users leapt at these opportunities. In the months preceding Binance’s maneuvers, the total volume of USD1 in circulation had held steady at about two billion dollars. On December 25th, shortly after Binance announced its first giveaway, World Liberty announced that USD1’s volume had crossed three billion dollars. It has now climbed to roughly five billion, and most of that expansion appears to have taken place on the Binance platform.
Representatives of Binance and World Liberty both denied any wrongdoing. They told me that Binance and its competitors have often paid holders of other stablecoins in order to attract traders, and that several smaller exchanges also provide benefits to holders of USD1. A Binance spokeswoman said in a statement that the services it provided to World Liberty “are available to other projects on equal terms.” A spokesman for World Liberty said that USD1’s growth “reflects genuine market adoption.” But Molly White, a computer programmer who is a prominent critic of the crypto industry and tracks such offers, told me that crypto exchanges have seldom, if ever, paid stablecoin holders as high a return rate as Binance is providing for USD1, or offered bonus returns on such large quantities. She said that Binance “seems like they are just giving away free money,” and that the company’s enrichment of the Trumps, through World Liberty, looked like “a very blatant quid pro quo” for the President’s pardoning of C.Z. (In response to detailed questions about my reporting for this article, Taylor Rogers, a White House spokeswoman, told me, in an e-mail, that “the failing liberal media is only pushing the same old garbage narratives” and that “President Trump has always put—and will always put—the best interests of the American people first.”)
Last spring, the government of Pakistan reportedly enlisted C.Z. as an adviser on the use of crypto. And, on January 14th, Pakistan—which has its own interests in influencing the Trump Administration—signed an agreement to incorporate USD1 into an officially regulated digital-payment system. A spokesman for World Liberty told me that, at the moment, Pakistan is only exploring the potential use of USD1 in handling “international remittances,” and that the country’s interest in USD1 “has nothing to do” with its relations with the Trump Administration. Still, it is hard to imagine that, without the imprimatur of the U.S. President, such a novel stablecoin would be embraced so quickly at the highest levels of the Pakistani government. So this deal, too, depends on Trump’s Presidency.
Now that World Liberty has seen an increase of three billion dollars in the value of its stablecoin in circulation, it can reasonably expect to earn four per cent a year on that extra sum—three hundred and sixty million dollars, if that circulation holds up in the three years Trump has left in office. According to the fine print on World Liberty’s website, a company affiliated with the Trumps is entitled to about thirty-eight per cent of that interest, which would come out to about a hundred and thirty-six million dollars in additional Presidential profit.
Running total: $3.5 billion
Additional profit: $136 million
New total: $3.64 billion
FROM APPLIANCE REPAIR TO CRYPTOCURRENCY
The Trumps have also received a windfall from World Liberty through a different form of crypto that it has sold: digital “governance” tokens, which provide buyers a loosely defined right to vote on the company’s future. Unlike stablecoin, these tokens carry no promise of redemption for any fixed amount of dollars; you can sell one for a price that rises or falls like a stock. Yet, unlike a stock, these digital tokens do not entitle a buyer to any equity in World Liberty; nor to any share of its profits, raising many questions about why an investor might want to own them—other than for World Liberty’s connection to the Trumps. Some purchasers may hope that, if the Trump Administration further loosens security rules, the tokens will eventually become a form of ownership. Others may be seeking to buy influence.
After my August tally, World Liberty found an improbable new taker for its tokens: a company that had gone public, in 1991, as Appliance Recycling Centers of America. In 2019, it made a radical transition into biotechnology, declaring that it would attempt to develop a nonaddictive alternative to opioids. In 2024, it transformed again, adopting the name Alt5 Sigma Corporation and shifting its focus to processing digital payments.
In August, Alt5 Sigma refocussed yet again—to buying World Liberty’s digital tokens. It agreed to trade the leadership of its board (and a substantial minority of its stock) to World Liberty in exchange for a pile of digital tokens, then said to be worth about seven hundred and fifty million dollars. Zach Witkoff became Alt5 Sigma’s chairman, and the company announced that it would appoint Eric Trump as a director.
As part of the same convoluted transaction, the new Alt5 Sigma—cashing in on the Trump name and the broader crypto boom—also sold about seven hundred and fifty million dollars’ worth of new shares to outside investors expressly for the purpose of buying even more World Liberty tokens. Alt5 Sigma didn’t name the buyers; a securities filing said only that the investors included “a select number of the world’s largest institutional investors and prominent crypto venture-capital firms.” After this transaction, Alt5 Sigma’s stockpile of World Liberty tokens rose to about 7.5 per cent of all the tokens in circulation, and its share had a nominal value of about $1.5 billion. Alt5 Sigma is pitching its stock as an easy way for ordinary investors to indirectly own World Liberty tokens—essentially turning its common stock into a bet on the Trump family’s future endeavors in crypto. White, the crypto critic, noted that top executives of World Liberty were now running a second company whose mission appeared to be buying World Liberty’s own governance token. These sales enrich the Trump and Witkoff families. She called the arrangement “a mind-boggling conflict of interest.” (Wachsman, the World Liberty spokesman, told me that Alt5 Sigma’s original board had independently decided to stockpile the governance token before Witkoff became chairman; Wachsman added that World Liberty’s USD1 business “aligns with” Alt5 Sigma’s payment processing “roadmap.”)
It’s unclear what kind of due diligence the Trumps or Witkoff had done. Alt5 Sigma failed to file its required third-quarter financial report on time. In October, the company, also without explanation, announced that its C.E.O. had been “removed of his duties.” A month later, Alt5 Sigma said that it had “determined to conclude” the employment of its chief financial officer, who had acted as interim C.E.O. Then, in December, the company switched to a new auditor, and—following questions from the Financial Times about that firm’s checkered record—replaced it, too. Recently, it emerged that in May—months before the deal with World Liberty—a Rwandan court found a subsidiary of Alt5 Sigma criminally liable for money laundering, among other violations. Stock-market regulators, for unspecified reasons, also forced the company to replace Eric Trump with another World Liberty executive as a director on its board—although Eric remains a board observer and a strategic adviser. Alt5 Sigma’s stock, after rising to more than eight dollars on the news of the deal with World Liberty, has now tumbled to about two dollars a share. In an e-mailed statement, Alt5 Sigma said that it remains “excited about our future and our ongoing partnership with World Liberty Financial.”
For the Trumps, though, the Alt5 Sigma deal has already paid off. According to the fine print of World Liberty’s website, after deducting certain expenses, seventy-five per cent of token sales go to a company affiliated with the Trump family, and seventy-five per cent of seven hundred and fifty million dollars comes out to five hundred and sixty-two million.
Running total: $3.64 billion
Additional profit: $562 million
New total: $4.2 billion
A BAD BET ON BITCOIN
In fairness, I will note that the decline in the price of bitcoin since August may have lowered my previous calculation of the Trumps’ Presidential profits at Trump Media & Technology Group, the parent company behind Truth Social. Although the social-media platform has yet to demonstrate any profit, it has capitalized on its anomalously high share price by quietly selling large sums of stock to institutional investors (who could flip it after a jump in its volatile price). By August, the company had used the proceeds to stockpile about $3.1 billion in cash and bitcoin. Since the President then owned about forty-two per cent of Trump Media, I previously estimated that his interest in those assets added $1.3 billion to his Presidential profits. Judging from the amount of bitcoin and cash on Trump Media’s balance sheet in its most recent quarterly report, that number may have fallen by about a hundred and fifty million dollars, to $1.15 billion.
Even with that setback, though, the Trumps have made a net total of about six hundred and fifty million dollars from crypto since August. That pushes his total gain since he first sought the Presidency to more than $4 billion.
Running total: $4.2 billion
Fluctuation in bitcoin value: -$150 million
Over-all gain from crypto: $646 million
New total: $4.05 billion
NUCLEAR FUSION, BANK SHAKEDOWNS, AND A MALDIVES RESORT
The Trumps have also continued to cash in on the Presidency in other ways—often while engaging in stark conflicts of interest. But it is premature to quantify those profits.
On December 18th, for example, Trump Media used its bags of cash and bitcoin for a stunning new gamble on, of all things, nuclear fusion. Trump Media agreed to merge with TAE Technologies, a privately owned company, founded in 1998, that is one of several firms attempting to develop the first economically viable power plant using nuclear fusion. When the deal closes, Trump Media shareholders will own half of the joint company. The President will be the largest shareholder, with more than twenty per cent of the stock. Devin Nunes, the chief executive of Trump Media and a former Republican congressman, is expected to become one of two co-chief executives.
For TAE, the merger provides badly needed capital. The company has already raised and spent $1.3 billion in its quest to make fusion work, and, in a filing with the Securities and Exchange Commission, Trump Media said that it has agreed to pay TAE up to three hundred million dollars before the merger is finalized. The conflict of interest here is glaring: the President himself will be deeply invested in a company that is competing for federal-government permits and funding.
For the Trump family, this could be the most profitable deal of his Presidency, if TAE turns out to be the outfit that solves the daunting challenges of supplying energy from fusion. At the very least, reducing the company’s identification with Truth Social could make it easier for Trump to cash out some of his shares. On the other hand, if fusion does not become viable for decades, Trump Media may end up squandering that pile of cash and bitcoin.
After squeezing tens of millions of dollars out of several major media companies last year to settle legally tenuous lawsuits, President Trump this month filed a new suit—against JPMorgan Chase. He is demanding five billion dollars, alleging that the bank acted out of political bias when it closed his accounts after the January 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol. Last year, the Trump Organization filed a smaller suit making similar allegations against Capital One. Both banks have called the claims meritless. But, like the media companies, both banks are regulated by his Administration, creating an incentive to settle.
In real estate, the Trumps continue to profit from a partnership with Dar Al Arkan, a major Saudi developer with a history of close ties to the royal family. On November 17th, the Trump Organization announced an agreement to license its name to Dar Al Arkan for a planned Trump International Hotel Maldives, which is to include about eighty “ultra-luxury beach and overwater villas.” Emanuel Schreiner, the chief executive of RVS Hospitality, a consulting company, told me that the demand for privacy in the luxury market often drives the rental rates for such villas in the archipelago above ten thousand dollars a night during the peak season, and the Trump Organization’s fees might range from two to ten per cent of revenue—a hefty sum, although the specifics remain to be seen. The Trump Organization added that it planned to finance the project by selling digital tokens that would allow buyers to participate in the profits—an idea that would appear to violate U.S. securities laws.
The next day, Trump welcomed Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia’s ruler, to the White House. It was the prince’s first visit since his agents killed and dismembered Jamal Khashoggi—the Saudi dissident, Washington Post columnist, and Virginia resident—inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, in 2018. At a press conference, an American journalist asked about the murder. Trump berated the questioner for daring to “embarrass our guest.” As the prince stared down at his hands, Trump, contradicting U.S. intelligence agencies, declared that bin Salman “knew nothing about it.” The President deprecated Khashoggi as someone “a lot of people didn’t like.” Trump also announced that he intended to sell advanced F-35 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia, that he intended to approve export licenses to sell advanced computer chips for artificial intelligence to the kingdom, and that the U.S. had even taken a step toward providing nuclear technology.
More Saudi deals followed. Earlier this month, the Trump Organization said that it was licensing its name to Dar Al Arkan for a new golf club, a luxury hotel, and a number of mansions in Diriyah, near Riyadh. The Trump Organization also sold the use of the President’s name for a Trump Plaza development in Jeddah which will include townhouses, condos, office space, retail stores, a Trump Grill, an artisanal bakery, and a health club (featuring a cigar bar). Ziad El Chaar, the chief executive of Dar Al Arkan’s international arm, DarGlobal, told Reuters that the two Trump projects would have a combined value of ten billion dollars. Extrapolating from the President’s disclosures about similar deals, the Trumps stand to make tens of millions from each of these projects.
Before the 2024 election, Donald, Jr., who has little business experience outside of the family’s real-estate holdings, sat on the board of directors of only one company: Trump Media & Technology Group, where his father was chairman. Since the election, however, about half a dozen other companies have rushed to enlist him as an adviser or director. Some are startups at which his compensation has not been made public, such as BlinkRx, an online pharmaceutical retailer. He is also an adviser to two competing prediction markets, Polymarket and Kalshi. (He has invested in Polymarket, but the company has said that it does not pay him any additional compensation.)
At other companies he has joined, Donald, Jr., already appears to be making millions. GrabAGun, an online weapons retailer, gave him stock that is currently worth nearly a million dollars, if he still holds it. (At the time of my calculations in August, the stock was worth about two million, and he has been under no obligation to disclose any sale.) A penny-stock brokerage called Dominari Securities granted Donald, Jr., and Eric shares with a current market value of more than six million dollars. PublicSquare, an online marketplace often described as “anti-woke,” gave Donald, Jr., shares with a current value of about a hundred and thirty thousand dollars. A company called Mixed Martial Arts Group Limited named him a strategic adviser and paid him options with a current value of about $1.3 million. Unusual Machines, a startup drone manufacturer, named Donald, Jr., to its advisory board shortly after the 2024 Presidential election; factoring in a steep discount on a private placement of shares, the company gave him stock with a total current value of more than five million dollars.
Arthur Schwartz, a spokesman for the President’s son, told me that “the premise that Donald Trump, Jr., would not be financially successful if not for his father’s political success is dumb and does not pass the smell test.” Still, the financial health of several of these ventures—including the prediction markets, the pharmaceutical retailer, the online weapons seller, and the drone manufacturer—will depend, in no small part, on decisions made by the federal government. This past October, for example, Unusual Machines announced that its drone parts were included in a major order from the U.S. Army, and critics have asked whether the family connection to the Commander-in-Chief played a role in the contract. Donald, Jr., and all of the companies he works with have repeatedly said that he does not advise about regulatory matters or lobby his father’s Administration. But he may not need to do so. Allan Evans, the chief executive of Unusual Machines, recently likened Donald, Jr.,’s advisory role to Oprah Winfrey’s former position on the board of Weight Watchers. “What does Oprah need to do? Not a lot,” Evans told Bloomberg News. The Trump name alone, he said, provides “credibility to rise above the noise.”
THE LOSERS
The drone contract made Unusual Machines a rare bright spot for investors who bought what the Trumps have been selling during the President’s first year back in office. Unusual Machine’s stock briefly tripled to eighteen dollars a share in late 2024, on the news of Donald, Jr.,’s affiliation, and then fell back down to below five dollars a share. But after the Army announced its drone order Unusual Machines eventually regained that peak for a short time, vindicating bets on the value of the Trump family connection.
The other five publicly traded companies that made Donald, Jr., an adviser or director have so far disappointed investors. Shares in the parent company of PublicSquare have fallen to about a dollar from a peak of above seven dollars when it signed up Donald, Jr. GrabAGun has tumbled to around three dollars a share from more than thirteen. Dominari Holdings soared from around three dollars a share to eleven dollars last February on news of its affiliation with the Trump brothers. Those shares currently trade for less than four dollars a share. Shares of Mixed Martial Arts Group soared to $1.80 a share when he signed on in September; they now trade for less than half that.
Last July, excitement about Dar Al Arkan’s partnership with the Trumps helped propel shares of the Saudi developer’s stock—which trades in London under the name of its international subsidiary, DarGlobal—to a peak of more than ten dollars a share. But concerns that overbuilding in Saudi Arabia and other Persian Gulf markets may create a glut of luxury hotels and residences have now dragged DarGlobal’s shares back below eight dollars.
The share price of Trump Media & Technology Group has fallen by more than sixty per cent since Trump’s Inauguration. Trump non-fungible tokens, the digital cartoons that were his first dabble in crypto, have fallen in value by eighty per cent, and the $TRUMP meme coin—the kind of crypto he hyped last spring by offering its biggest holders an exclusive dinner and a tour of the White House—has lost about about ninety per cent of its value. World Liberty’s digital tokens, which started trading this past September, have fallen in price by about a third, and shares in American Bitcoin have plummeted in price by about eighty per cent since their début, also in September.
Indeed, for most Trump investors, the year has been brutal. But, if you’re someone who can trade your family name for an interest in a business, you still come out ahead—no matter how it fares. For the President and his family, the money-making shows no sign of slowing.
THE NEW NUMBER: $4.05 billion ♦
This entry was posted in Uncategorized on February 1, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

MOST AIRLINE CRASHES CAUSED BY DEI HIRES!

Former White House lawyer says female and minority pilots caused 66% of pilot-error crashes since 2000, despite being less than 10% of workforce 😬

Image for article: Former White House lawyer says female and minority pilots caused 66% of pilot-error crashes since 2000, despite being less than 10% of workforce 😬

arambe Harambe

Jan 26, 2026

According to a new op-ed from former White House lawyer Daniel Huff, DEI in the airline industry is still putting thousands of people in danger.

His analysis of every plane crash caused by pilot error since the year 2000 revealed something insane:

President Trump ordered the DOT to end its DEI practices early in his presidency, but that has not stopped airlines from continuing to engage in the practice. According to Huff’s report:

Delta CLO Peter Carter declared in January 2025 that the airline is ‘steadfast’ in its DEI commitments, calling them ‘critical to our business.’

United’s training academy maintains its goal of ensuring 50% of graduates are women or minorities.

Southwest still pledges to ‘recruit, hire, and retain a diverse and inclusive workforce.’

American agreed not to impose illegal quotas, but that leaves plenty of wiggle room.

 

 

Just a few examples cited:

Atlas Air Flight 3591

 

National Transportation Safety Board (NTSB)

 

According to the NTSB, this crash was caused by Conrad Aska, a black pilot who had a reputation for getting “extremely flustered and could not respond appropriately” when faced with unexpected situations in the simulator.

Experts reporting on the NTSB investigation described Aska’s “piloting performance as among the worst he had ever seen.”

The entire crew perished in the crash.

The 2025 Potomac River midair collision

 

 

Remember this one? 67 people died in this tragedy after a female helicopter pilot ignored repeated air-traffic-control instructions and collided with an American Airlines jet.

Huff is a senior advisor for The Heritage Foundation’s infamous “Project 2025,” former counsel to the Senate and House Judiciary Committees, former general deputy assistant secretary for enforcement at HUD, and a senior legal advisor to the first Trump admin.

That means you’re either going to think he’s got a point, or he’s a racist/sexist Nazi, depending on your political views!

This entry was posted in Uncategorized on January 26, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

JP MORGAN CHASE SUED FOR $5 BILLION FOR DE-BANKING TRUMP AND HIS COMPANIES!

Trump sues JPMorgan Chase and CEO Jamie Dimon for $5B over alleged ‘political’ debanking

The lawsuit claims JPMorgan’s decision ‘came about as a result of political and social motivations’ to ‘distance itself’ Trump and his ‘conservative political views’

President Donald Trump joins Maria Bartiromo to discuss ongoing negotiations that would give the U.S. total access to Greenland, citing national and global security concerns.

FIRST ON FOX: President Donald Trump is suing JPMorgan Chase and its CEO Jamie Dimon in a $5 billion lawsuit filed Thursday, accusing the financial institution of debanking him for political reasons.

The president’s attorney, Alejandro Brito, filed the lawsuit Thursday morning in Florida state court in Miami on behalf of the president and several of his hospitality companies.

Brito quotes JPMorgan’s code of conduct, which states that the bank operates “with the highest level of integrity and ethical conduct.”

JP Morgan Chase HQ

The JPMorgan Chase & Co. headquarters in Park Avenue, Midtown, Manhattan, New York.  (Tim Clayton/Corbis via Getty Images / Getty Images)

TRUMP SAYS HE WILL SUE JPMORGAN CHASE OVER ‘INCORRECT’ POST-JAN 6 DEBANKING

“We set high expectations and hold ourselves accountable. We do the right thing—not necessarily the easy or expedient thing. We abide by the letter and spirit of the laws and regulations everywhere we do business and have zero tolerance for unethical behavior,” the lawsuit states, citing the bank’s code of conduct.

“Despite claiming to hold these principles dear, JPMC violated them by unilaterally—and without warning or remedy—terminating several of Plaintiff’s bank accounts,” the lawsuit claims.

A JPMorgan Chase spokesperson told Fox News Digital Thursday, “While we regret President Trump has sued us, we believe the suit has no merit. We respect the President’s right to sue us and our right to defend ourselves – that’s what courts are for.

“JPMC does not close accounts for political or religious reasons,” she continued, “We do close accounts because they create legal or regulatory risk for the company. We regret having to do so but often rules and regulatory expectations lead us to do so.  We have been asking both this administration and prior administrations to change the rules and regulations that put us in this position, and we support the Administration’s efforts to prevent the weaponization of the banking sector.”

Trump had been a customer of JPMorgan for decades, and he and his affiliated entities “have transacted hundreds of millions of dollars” through JPMorgan Chase, according to the lawsuit.

Trump’s lawyer said Feb. 19, 2021, was the day that “forever altered the dynamic of the parties’ relationship,” when the bank, allegedly “without warning or provocation,” notified Trump and his entities that several bank accounts they controlled, were beneficiaries of, and actively used to transact “would be closed just two months later, on April 19, 2021.”

Bank executive speaks to an audience during a conference focused on business and innovation.

Jamie Dimon, chief executive officer of JPMorgan Chase & Co., speaks during the America Business Forum in Miami, Nov. 6, 2025. (Eva Marie Uzcategui/Bloomberg via Getty Images / Getty Images)

“JPMC did not provide plaintiffs with any recourse, remedy, or alternative—its decision was final and unequivocal,” the lawsuit claims.

Trump’s attorney said they are “confident that JPMC’s unilateral decision came about as a result of political and social motivations, and JPMC’s unsubstantiated, ‘woke’ beliefs that it needed to distance itself from President Trump and his conservative political views.”

“In essence, JPMC debanked plaintiff’s accounts because it believed that the political tide at the moment favored doing so,” the lawsuit states. “In addition to the considerable financial and reputational harm that Plaintiffs and their affiliated entities suffered, JPMC’s reckless decision is leading a growing trend by financial institutions in the United States of America to cut off a consumer’s access to banking services if their political views contradict with those of the financial institution.”

Trump and JP Morgan Chase logo split

President Donald Trump had been a customer of JPMorgan for decades, according to the lawsuit.  (Krisztian Bocsi/Bloomberg via Getty Images; Angela Weiss/AFP via Getty Images)

Trump’s attorney alleged that, “JPMC’s conduct, in violation of its code of conduct and Dimon’s lofty assertions, is a key indicator of a systemic, subversive industry practice that aims to coerce the public to shift and re-align their political views.”

The lawsuit goes on to allege that JPMorgan Chase and Dimon have “unlawfully and unjustifiably published some or all of their names, including the names of President Trump, the Trump Organization with its affiliated entities, and the Trump family, on a

blacklist.”

The blacklist, according to the lawsuit, allegedly is accessible by federally regulated banks and is comprised of individuals and entities that have a history of malfeasant acts and are otherwise noncompliant with applicable banking rules and regulations.

“Given that Plaintiffs have always complied with all applicable banking rules and regulations and their wealth management accounts were in good standing, JPMC’s publication of President Trump, the other Plaintiffs, the Trump Organization and its affiliated entities, and/or the Trump family’s names on this blacklist, is an intentional and malicious falsehood,” the lawsuit states, alleging that JPMorgan Chase engaged in “an unfair and deceptive trade practice” by directing the publication of the names to the list, noting that the bank “had no legitimate basis to do so and knew that doing so would induce, and did in fact induce, other banking institutions not to deal with them.”

Trump is accusing JPMorgan Chase and Dimon of trade libel, violating Florida’s unfair and deceptive trade practices act, declaratory relief, and breach of implied covenant of good faith and fair dealing.

Trump’s team is demanding a jury trial.

President Donald Trump

President Donald Trump’s team is demanding a jury trial. (Getty Images)

The president teased the lawsuit in a Truth Social post over the weekend.

“I’ll be suing JPMorgan Chase over the next two weeks for incorrectly and inappropriately DEBANKING me after the January 6th Protest, a protest that turned out to be correct for those doing the protesting,” Trump said in a Truth Social post. “The Election was RIGGED!”

Trump has publicly said in interviews that JPMorgan Chase gave him a deadline, reportedly 20 days, to move hundreds of millions of dollars and effectively severed his accounts after Jan. 6, 2021. He also said Bank of America later refused to accept large deposits when he attempted to bank elsewhere.

In a previous statement to Fox, JPMorgan Chase spokesperson Trish Wexler said, “Serving more than 80 million Americans is our privilege, and we agree that no one’s account should ever be closed because of political or religious beliefs. We appreciate that this administration has moved to address political debanking, and we support those efforts.”

Dimon in 2025 denied that the bank debanks conservatives or customers based on political views.

“We don’t debank people because of political or religious affiliations,” Dimon said on Capitol Hill Feb. 13, 2025. “But there are a lot of things that can be fixed. We should fix them. The rules and requirements are so onerous, and it does cause people to be debanked in my opinion, should not be debated.”

When asked whether banking regulators were primarily to blame for debanking concerns, Dimon replied, “Pretty much, yeah.”

Bank of America CEO Brian Moynihan, who also has faced scrutiny from the White House over debanking allegations, offered a similar response in a separate interview that day.

“We have 70 million customers, and we’re happy to serve anyone,” Moynihan said.

Trump Tower

In 2025, the Trump Organization sued Capital One after it allegedly “unjustifiably” terminated more than 300 of the company’s bank accounts and accounts belonging to numerous Trump family members in 2021.  (Leonardo Munoz/VIEWpress / Getty Images)

When pressed on Trump’s allegations, Moynihan declined to elaborate in 2025, saying, “You’d have to talk to him about that, thanks.”

In 2025, the Trump Organization sued Capital One after it allegedly “unjustifiably” terminated more than 300 of the company’s bank accounts and accounts belonging to numerous Trump family members in 2021.

On March 8, 2021, Capital One allegedly notified Trump and the plaintiffs that hundreds of bank accounts that they controlled, were beneficiaries of and actively used would be closed June 7, 2021. According to the lawsuit, Capital One did not provide Trump and the plaintiffs with any “recourse, remedy, or alternative — its decision was final.”

The accounts affiliated with the Trump Organization held millions of dollars belonging to them and their affiliated entities.

At the time, a Capital One spokesperson told Fox News Digital that: “Capital One has not and does not close customer accounts for political reasons.”

This entry was posted in TRUMP on January 22, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

WALL STREET LEGEND AND HIS SEX DUNGEON…

A Wall Street Legend and His Penthouse Sex Dungeon

Howard Rubin rose, fell and rose again as a star trader in the 1980s. He’s now landed in charges that he trafficked and abused women. ‘I don’t care if she screams.’

720

Collage of a smiling man, a woman in sunglasses and a baseball cap, an indictment, and elements of a cityscape.

NEW YORK—The penthouse atop the Metropolitan Tower on West 57th Street offers proximity to Central Park and has two bedrooms.

In the summer of 2012, prosecutors say, one of those bedrooms was soundproofed.

It was painted red and outfitted with an inventory of ropes, whips and sex toys labeled A to Z. A “St. Andrew’s cross,” an X-shaped contraption named for the martyred apostle, was equipped with four cuffs—two for the ankles, and two for the wrists.

The equipment was assembled for Wall Street legend Howard Rubin, the discreet renter of the penthouse—and for years, prosecutors allege, he lured women into what he called his sex “dungeon,” where he abused and tortured them high above the Manhattan skyline.

“I want to hurt her,” Rubin texted about a woman who would be joining him at the penthouse, according to court documents. “I don’t care if she screams.”

He then added an emoji of a laughing face.

For much of his life, and for much of his day, Rubin was a mythic figure of business, famous and infamous for rising, falling and rising again as a star trader on 1980s Wall Street. In a career that began at Salomon Brothers and ended with George Soros, he embodied the excessive wealth and excessive risk of a gunslinger era in finance, most notably when he was blamed by Merrill Lynch for an unauthorized trade that cost the firm some $250 million in 1987.

“Howie,” as he was called by colleagues, was a former card-counter who brought the risk tolerance of Las Vegas to the financial world. He maintained the trappings of a New York success story: the five-bedroom apartment on the Upper East Side, the Hamptons estate, the charity galas, a wife and three kids.

According to legal filings, archival materials and interviews with associates from several chapters of his life, Rubin was also a Wall Street titan who rose to the upper echelons of the finance industry despite a history of not following the rules.

Since being arrested for sex trafficking and other crimes in September, today the 70-year-old Rubin lives in a Brooklyn jail cell. He has pleaded not guilty. His attorneys, allies and even his estranged wife say he is a retiree living a quiet life, whose most important job is shuttling his granddaughter to dance classes.

In previous cases and in an unsuccessful application for bail, Rubin’s lawyers have argued that the women were aware of what the encounters involved and were willing participants.

“The alleged conduct involves private activity between adults that concluded more than six years ago,” his attorneys wrote in the application.

Rubin once seemed ripped from the pages of Tom Wolfe’s “The Bonfire of the Vanities”—and was himself a character in Michael Lewis’s “Liar’s Poker”—but in the government’s telling appears to be more like Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde.

Prosecutors have outlined an operation of recruitment and sexual torture against 10 victims, with alleged sourcing methods and coercion reminiscent of the approach taken by Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell.

Rubin allegedly worked with a former romantic partner to recruit women, often approaching former Playboy playmates who thought they were agreeing to sex-for-hire and light fetish play. The evenings often ended up including NDAs, beatings and advice on treating the bruises, court records show.

After beating and raping a woman one November evening, he offered her a drink and thanked her for a “pleasurable experience,” according to a separate civil suit filed against Rubin. He then told her she had to leave the apartment. He was going to meet his wife and kids for dinner.

If convicted, Rubin could receive a sentence of life imprisonment.

‘meet/greet/beat’

Much of the government’s criminal case against Rubin appears to be derived from two civil suits filed against him in 2017 and 2018.

Rubin was found liable and ordered to pay $3.8 million to six women as part of the primary civil case in April 2022. The second case also ended with a settlement.

In filings and subsequent testimony, several women told similar stories of what happened between 2009 and 2019. They were contacted over Instagram by a representative of Rubin’s about spending an evening with him. The women would be brought to New York and could receive $2,000 for a night—or up to $5,000 if he had a particularly good time. One woman said she was assured he was a “great guy.”

The evening might begin at the Russian Tea Room, located next door to the Metropolitan Tower, a skyscraper built in 1987 that one observer likened to a “glass-and-steel Godzilla looming ravenously” over the more elegant buildings nearby.

Inside Rubin’s penthouse was a safe that held a stack of blank nondisclosure agreements.

Some of the women said they were inebriated when they signed the form, which noted that the women had agreed, for payment, to engage in sexual acts “including Sadomasochistic (SM) activity that can be hazardous and on occasion cause injury,” read a form quoted by defense attorneys who argued it left little uncertainty about what the night might entail.

Breaking the contract would require paying $500,000 to Rubin.

The Russian Tea Room in Midtown Manhattan; a bear insignia above the restaurant’s entrance. Timothy Mulcare for WSJ

The women say a depraved side of Rubin emerged inside the dungeon, one that went far beyond the limits of BDSM (or bondage, discipline, sadism and masochism) role-play and aggression. It included electric shocks and severe beating.

Defense attorneys in the civil case argued that Rubin was clear with the women about the kind of evening that lay ahead, and noted that several met with Rubin many times, and even referred friends and associates to sessions in the dungeon.

One woman who sued Rubin alleged he gave her a safe word that would bring everything to a halt: “pineapples.” He then tied her wrists with ropes and lightly slapped her across the face.

She said he tightened the ropes and smacked her again—this time much harder.

“PINEAPPLES!” she yelled.

When she again asked him to stop, she said he only grew angrier, punching and smacking her as she remained restrained by ropes hanging from the ceiling. The assault continued and he raped her, she said.

Other times, women said, he gagged them so tightly they couldn’t speak the safe word when they tried.

Another woman alleged Rubin had beaten her chest so violently that one of her breast implants had flipped. After he ignored her use of a safe word, the abuse stopped when she had removed enough of the gag to bite him on the finger. (This was the same woman about whom Rubin said, “I don’t care if she screams,” according to court filings.)

Rubin paid for the implant to be repaired, according to the civil suit, which also references the incident. The woman said in the suit that Rubin requested she replace her saline implants with silicone, since that was a sturdier material.

Rubin’s attorneys in one of the civil trials submitted several dozen text messages that they argued showed an understanding among all parties of the BDSM practices expected inside the dungeon.

In a representative text message sent to one of the women in June 2014, Rubin said, “this is a real beating ur going to get.”

Several days before a session with two women in August 2016, Rubin texted them: “Its total BDSM. Most girls love it and come back for more, but I just like to be upfront about everything.”

The day before the women came to the Metropolitan Tower, Rubin texted again:

“Ladies, can’t wait to meet/greet/beat you tomorrow.”

“Sounds good to me,” one of the women replied.

Looking up at multiple towering buildings against a clear sky, with the dark 146 W 57th Street building in the center.

The Metropolitan Tower on West 57th Street, where Rubin rented the penthouse. Timothy Mulcare for WSJ

Managing the logistics and soothing the distraught women, prosecutors allege, was Jennifer Powers, 45, a former model for Hawaiian Tropic and substitute teacher who was arrested along with Rubin.

“It got very rough jenn, we need to be VERY VERY VERY nice….” Rubin wrote to her after the encounter that injured the woman’s implant, according to court records.

“OK. I am being nice. I just hope you know what you’re doing,” she wrote back.

Powers has pleaded not guilty. She was also named in one of the civil suits against Rubin, but the claims against her were dismissed. Her attorneys didn’t respond to requests for comment.

Powers became Rubin’s full-time deputy in the trafficking operation in 2011, according to a government letter arguing against Rubin’s bail.

The following year, she married a professional DJ at the former Miami Beach mansion of fashion designer Gianni Versace, who was shot dead on its front steps in 1997. A photo from the event shows Rubin smiling in the crowd.

Powers filled many roles for her boss, prosecutors allege.

She was his logistics coordinator: booking flights to New York and letting Tower doormen know who was allowed up to the penthouse.

She was his good cop: telling the women that arnica cream might help soothe their bruises.

She was his accountant: paying the women in small disbursements that wouldn’t trip up bank rules.

She was his defender: explaining after the fact that the women shouldn’t have allowed Rubin to get drunk.

And she was his encourager: “I can only imagine what you did to her on that cross!!!” she wrote in a January 2015 text message included in court filings.

Rubin paid millions of dollars for her work, first in monthly wages and then by covering nearly all her expenses, including mortgage payments and private-school tuition. Rubin paid off annual credit-card expenses from Powers and her husband that exceeded $500,000 from 2018 to 2023—including after the two had been subject to the civil suits.

Jennifer Powers exits Brooklyn Federal Court.

Jennifer Powers exited Brooklyn federal court after a hearing in October. Jeenah Moon/Reuters

It has been nearly a decade since details of their “enterprise,” as prosecutors have called it, began to spread in late 2016, after police were called to the penthouse. An argument had broken out between two women there over Rubin’s abuse. Rubin wasn’t there, and Powers told the women not to tell the police who leased the apartment.

She later warned Rubin the investigation could turn up other details: “drugs, sex, etcccc,” according to court documents.

One of the women began telling attorneys about the abuse. More women came forward, filing a civil case just as the #MeToo movement began to instigate a global reckoning over sexual abuse.

The women who formed the civil suits included freelance models and cocktail waitresses, many caring for younger siblings and kids of their own, and prosecutors say Rubin exploited that economic disparity.

In June 2014, shortly before he’d retire from Soros’s firm, Rubin contacted an associate, known only as Co-Conspirator-1, about a woman’s financial straits.

“She’s brokke and says she‘’ l l do anything!” he wrote in a text message, according to court documents in the criminal case.

“She hates it, but she’s soooo desperate! We’ve got to make her cry!!!” he added.

When the woman got in touch to say she was ready to meet, Rubin corrected her.

“Ur not, bbut ur desperate and thts good.”

Masters of the universe

Rubin grew up the middle son of three boys raised in the Boston suburbs. After his mother died when he was 13, “Howie” became a surrogate parent and role model to his younger sibling, his brother wrote in a letter of support for Rubin’s bail application.

He was the boy made good, having begun his professional life as a chemical engineer in New Jersey. But he eventually grew so bored that he moved to Las Vegas, where his card-counting skills made him fast money—and soon required him to wear disguises to slip past casino security.

He went on to Harvard Business School, and professionalized his knack for assessing risk and knowing when to bet. At Harvard, Rubin met Mary Henry, whom he would marry two days after Valentine’s Day 1985.

They were a Wall Street couple: She went to work at Merrill Lynch, while he started at Salomon Brothers alongside another new recruit, Michael Lewis, who would detail those heady years in his 1989 bestselling memoir, “Liar’s Poker.”

“You couldn’t always put your finger on losers, but you knew talent when you saw it,” Lewis wrote. “Howie Rubin had it.”

Mary Henry exits Brooklyn Federal Court.

Mary Henry, Rubin’s estranged wife, leaving Brooklyn federal court after a hearing in October. jeenah moon/Reuters

Working together in 1980s Wall Street, Lewis and Rubin were crew mates on a rocket ship. The capital held by Wall Street’s securities firms would more than triple in Rubin’s first five years of employment. And the young bankers powering it all were the “masters of the universe,” so labeled by Tom Wolfe in his 1987 bestseller “The Bonfire of the Vanities,” a novel that he researched by spending a day on the Salomon Brothers trading floor.

Rubin’s skills, former colleagues say, included an encyclopedic recall, the ability to explain his bets in plain English and a high threshold for risk. After Merrill Lynch recruited him as a securities trader in 1986—with a guaranteed annual salary of $1 million—some of his new colleagues began to worry about just how risky he got.

Merrill was known as “the Thundering Herd,” but Rubin did not appear ready to run with the pack.

That became apparent on April 17, 1987—Good Friday—when Rubin called an executive at Merrill Lynch and admitted his reporting on recent mortgage trades hadn’t been accurate.

Rubin had been buying a significant amount of mortgage securities, hoping to take advantage of a market for mortgages that had risen 260% in 1986 alone.

But he hadn’t told the firm about the massive holding he’d accumulated, which meant other traders hadn’t hedged it and invested in securities that would rise in value if those mortgage securities fell.

When the rebound in mortgages never came, Rubin’s losses compounded to more than $250 million. At the time, it was believed to be the single-greatest loss in Wall Street history tied to one trader.

Merrill announced the loss and fired Rubin. The SEC launched an investigation, and Rubin ultimately settled charges that he had failed to keep accurate records, neither admitting nor denying guilt. He agreed to a nine-month suspension from the securities industry.

Rubin’s contemporaries from Wall Street today remember the $250 million loss as an ominous foreshadowing. Six months later, the Black Monday crash registered the largest one-day drop in the Dow’s history, wiping an estimated $1.7 trillion off the global market.

A tearsheet of an article titled "Merrill Lynch Posts $250 Million Of Mortgage-Issue Trading Losses".

An April 30, 1987, article about Merrill Lynch’s losses. The Wall Street Journal

‘Superstar’

But Rubin was soon back to work. A month after Black Monday, he started at Bear Stearns.

“You hire good people when they become available,” Managing Director John Sites said at the time.

If Salomon Brothers had exemplified early ’80s excess, Bear Stearns embodied the conservatism that followed. The boss told employees to reuse paper clips and ordered Rubin to weekly “cold-sweat” meetings with the risk committee. By 1992, Rubin was collecting an annual bonus of $7 million, and oversaw an operation that generated $150 million in trading profit the following year.

“He’s a superstar,” Bear Stearns CEO James Cayne told The Wall Street Journal in 1993.

Employees were shocked when Rubin announced in 1999 that he was taking an early retirement at age 44 to spend more time with his wife and their three young children. The couple even converted their dining room into a kid’s gym, outfitted with mats and a mini-trampoline.

Rubin went back to work in 2008, this time as an investment adviser for billionaire George Soros’s Soros Fund Management.

He retired in 2015, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office indictment detailed criminal acts against Jane Does #1 through #10 that covered some of that time, from 2009 through 2019.

On the surface, Rubin’s life resembled the boom times. He posed for photos with Henry at galas raising money for child development and cancer research. In a 2018 deposition during the civil trial, Rubin estimated his net worth to be $50 million.

Colleagues and fellow parents at his kids’ private school say Rubin seemed like an ordinary guy who happened to be really, really smart. Once news broke of the lawsuits in 2017, though, Rubin disappeared from that social circuit.

Details of his depositions spread. His safe word became a recurring punchline among Rubin’s acquaintances at the time, appropriated by jokesters to mean “no.”

As in:

“Are you going to that dinner tonight?”

“Pineapple.”

The Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, NY.

The Metropolitan Detention Center in Brooklyn, where Rubin awaits trial. Timothy Mulcare for WSJ

Under arrest

When Rubin was arrested in September, he was living a quiet life in Connecticut. Powers was raising her family in Southlake, Texas. (Among other charges, they are accused of lying on a mortgage application that Rubin cosigned for her home.)

Powers was released on an $850,000 bail secured with the help of her parents. News of her arrest spread quickly through the wealthy Dallas suburb where she lives, especially since she has worked as a substitute teacher in a local school district.

Rubin has mounted a full campaign to also be granted bail, submitting letters of support from several people, including his niece, his business-school roommate and his granddaughter’s dance teacher. They largely portrayed Rubin as a retiree who dresses up as characters from “Frozen” to make his grandchildren laugh.

He has offered the court a $70 million bond cosigned by his wife and Annalee Rubin, his daughter.

“I am willing to risk losing a majority of my assets,” wrote Henry, who is in the process of divorcing Rubin.

It was a surprising show of support from a woman who is invoked by prosecutors to illustrate the extent of Rubin’s deceit.

In late 2014, he emailed Powers that he needed to tell his wife he was out of town, since there was a long night ahead of “rockettes, dinner and dungeon.”

Soon after, he told Powers he could probably see five women in one week—“Except the 16th is holiday and my anniversary!”

In her letter to the judge, Henry wrote that she understood “far too well the serious charges before the Court,” but added, “They do not represent the Howie Rubin I saw.”

In an email sent on January 17, Annalee Rubin defended her father, saying he “should be out on bail and home with his family. It is heartbreaking to not have my father by my family’s side.”

The government argued against bail, saying Rubin had behaved in suspicious ways that made him seem a flight risk. During his arrest, he said he didn’t know where his passport was, and was found to have eight cellphones and BlackBerry devices.

Rubin’s attorneys said many of those phones were old devices and that Rubin had merely forgotten where his passport was.

Details came up in the bail hearing that, in the judge’s view, undercut Rubin’s promise not to interfere in the criminal trial.

In 2019, he had sent a letter to another woman he learned was considering suing him, according to court filings. In that letter, he said he would characterize her as a “professional prostitute” if she continued the case.

The judge has now denied bail three times, leaving Rubin to await trial in the Brooklyn jail also housing ousted Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro and Luigi Mangione, the 27-year-old charged with killing UnitedHealthcare CEO Brian Thompson. He is next due in court on Jan. 27.

Before his arrest, Rubin had lived in a rented home in Fairfield, Conn., close to his daughter’s house. In a letter to the court, Rubin’s landlord said she lives across the street, and observes him babysitting his grandchildren, watching TV and reading the newspaper.

Through the house’s 20 windows, she noted, all she ever saw was “a man who is living a quiet, harmless, simple and respectful life.”

This entry was posted in FRAUDS on January 19, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

STUDENTS FROM INDIA ABUSE THE STUDENT VISA PROGRAM AND NOBODY NOTICED!

India media just blew up the student visa scam–now everything changes…

For years now, the H-1B debate has been sold to us as a tech-company issue or a skills argument. But what doesn’t get talked about is how much of the H-1B pipeline starts long before the lottery or the job offers and way before the actual paperwork gets filled out.A recent piece from the Times of India just admitted the ugly truth out loud. For many Indian families, an American student visa has zero to do with education. It’s quietly understood that the student stuff is a progression that starts with admission and a visa and moves through internships and graduation and ends with work authorization long enough to recover their costs and secure a foothold in the US job market. The degree isn’t the reason; it’s just their foot in the door.

This matters because the entire legal structure of a student visa is about “intent.” F-1 visas are for studying, not labor. Yet now, what’s being openly described by the Times of India is a system where the “student” status is actually a way to weasel into the US job market.

And now that this little sneaky truth has been made public, the entire conversation should change. Because the US has allowed a “temporary education” visa to mutate into a backdoor work program, and that can’t stand.

India’s media spells out how the system has been used and abused, how Optional Practical Training became the bridge to US jobs, and why Washington’s sudden turn against it could blow up the entire game, especially for those Indians who are using this path to cheat the system.

Times of India:

For Indian families, the US degree has rarely been just a degree. It is a sequence you pay for and plan around: Admission, visa, internship, graduation, and then a post-study runway long enough to recover costs, build a résumé, and attempt the H-1B lottery without falling off a bureaucratic cliff. That runway is Optional Practical Training (OPT).Now the runway is being described in Washington as a loophole, not a ladder. In 2025, the US debate has moved beyond generic immigration noise into something more targeted: A political and legal narrative that frames OPT as unauthorised, unfair to American graduates, and ripe for abuse. This is followed by proposals that would either terminate the programme, tax away its advantage, or convert student status from a compliance-based continuum into a clock with expiry dates. What is significant here is that OPT is being attacked simultaneously in Congress, agency memos, and in the regulatory agenda—three levers that rarely align.

India sits closest to the blast radius because they have become the most invested in the OPT logic. The story, then, is not “Will America stop Indians from studying?” It is more precise, and more destabilising: Will America continue to attach a credible work pathway to the education it markets to the world?

Now, this is where the “misuse” argument collapses and the “scam” argument starts to hold some serious water.

What follows is sworn testimony that describes how a program meant to supplement education turned into one of the biggest work-authorization pipelines in the country. Honestly, calling it a “student visa” program is more marketing than reality. The Times of India piece goes on:

In June 2025, Jessica Vaughan, Director of Policy Studies at the Center for Immigration Studies (CIS), appeared before the House Judiciary Subcommittee with a blunt charge: OPT, she argued, has effectively become the largest unregulated guest-worker scheme in the United States. Drawing on internal datasets she said were provided by ICE and the Department of Homeland Security, Vaughan told lawmakers that more than 540,000 work authorisations were granted under OPT and Curricular Practical Training (CPT) in FY2023 alone. In her framing, this was not administrative flexibility; it was regulatory drift at scale. OPT, she said, had fuelled an ecosystem of diploma mills, fake schools, bogus training programmes, and illegal employment—a parallel market built less around learning than around visa preservation and labour substitution—while the Student and Exchange Visitor Program (SEVP) remained too under-resourced to vet the volume and complexity of the pipeline.

Her sharpest point was legal-constitutional in tone: OPT is not explicitly authorised by Congress, having been created through executive rulemaking—formalised under the Bush administration and expanded under Obama—without an up-or-down vote to permit hundreds of thousands of foreign graduates to work in the US.Where her testimony lands politically is in how it converts a sprawling, messy system into a single prosecutable story: Scale plus abuse equals illegitimacy. Once OPT is narrated primarily as a work programme rather than an education-to-employment bridge, the policy debate shifts from ‘how to regulate’ to ‘whether it should exist at all’. And even if one contests her characterisation, the effect is the same: it gives restrictionists a numbers-and-oversight argument that is easier to sell than a purely ideological one.

Our student visa program is functioning as a mass employment agency.

Now, US senators are saying that the government is issuing massive numbers of work permits through a student visa system that was never meant to function that way and calling on DHS to shut it down.

The Times of India piece continues:

On September 23, 2025, Senator Charles E. Grassley, the Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, wrote to Kristi Noem, Secretary of the US Department of Homeland Security, urging her to end Optional Practical Training (OPT)-style work authorisations for student visa holders. Grassley argued DHS is issuing ‘hundreds of thousands’ of such work permits “in direct violation of the law” and criticised the practice of allowing foreign graduates to remain in the US on student visas “for years after graduation” to work. He said this undercuts young Americans’ job prospects and claimed the authorisations are incompatible with the Immigration and Nationality Act, which he says limits student visas to education, not employment.

On November 14, 2025, Senator Eric S. Schmitt (Republican, United States Senator for Missouri) wrote to Kristi Noem, Secretary of the US Department of Homeland Security, and Joseph B. Edlow, Director of US Citizenship and Immigration Services, urging them to move toward ‘reforming or ending’ Optional Practical Training (OPT). He calls OPT ‘one of the most abused’ immigration programmes and argues it operates as a cheap-labour pipeline and a ‘backdoor’ into the job market, hurting young American workers. Schmitt also stresses the programme’s tax advantage—citing payroll tax exemptions and claiming this encourages employers to hire OPT workers over US graduates. He asks DHS to conduct a ‘thorough review’ as the first step toward shutting OPT down or reshaping it.

What Grassley and Schmitt are both saying is that the student visa program has been allowed to function like a work visa.

Now, let’s hope that this is where all the talk turns into action. These proposals show how lawmakers are trying to unwind the student-to-work scam, either by totally eliminating OPT or taking away the backdoor access into the US job pool.

The Times of India piece shares more:

If the narrative is the pressure, the proposals are the machinery. They range from a guillotine to a slow squeeze to a procedural clock.The American Tech Workforce Act of 2025: A termination proposalThe American Tech Workforce Act of 2025, introduced in the US Senate in September and referred to the Judiciary Committee, tries to rewire the entire student-to-work pipeline:

Tighten H-1B through a tougher, higher-wage logic, and then cut off the quiet bridge that feeds it—OPT. The Bill treats Optional Practical Training not as an education policy tool but as a structural loophole that Congress never explicitly authorised and now seeks to close.

The language of the Bill is deliberately spare. In its Section 3—Termination of Optional Practical Training Program; employment authorization to terminate after completion of course of studies—the proposal is not to narrow eligibility or toughen oversight, but to erase the programme itself. OPT, and any successor scheme by another name, would be barred in law. Employment authorisation would end the moment an F-1 student completes their degree, collapsing the post-graduation runway to zero. Even pending OPT applications would be denied at enactment, with fees returned.

The message is unmistakable here: Study may still be welcomed, but work after graduation would no longer be part of the offer.The Dignity Act of 2025: A quiet rewrite of OPT economicsThe Dignity Act of 2025, a bipartisan immigration reform Bill introduced in the US House of Representatives, proposes a broad reset of immigration rules—mixing tougher enforcement tools with new legal-status pathways and system-wide adjustments. It is not law; it remains a legislative proposal moving through the committee process, not a measure that has cleared both chambers and been signed.For international students, its most consequential move is not a headline attack on OPT, but a quiet change to its economics.

The Bill proposes to end the payroll tax exemption on OPT wages by bringing those earnings under FICA—the Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes that most US workers pay through automatic deductions. Under the current framework, many F-1 students on OPT who are treated as nonresident aliens for tax purposes are generally exempt from FICA withholding; the proposal would remove that carve-out.

These proposals are about dismantling a work pipeline that’s clearly screwing over American workers… because a student visa that functions like a work visa is a total backdoor scam. And once it’s admitted out loud, everything is on the table, and changes better be made.

This entry was posted in FRAUDS on January 18, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

DENMARK’S GOVERNMENT CONTROLLED GREENLAND’S BIRTHRATE SECRETLY…

Denmark’s Dirty Little Secret About Population Control in Greenland

AP Photo/Evgeniy Maloletka
Denmark has controlled Greenland since 1721. Indigenous peoples lived there for thousands of years before that. In 1953, the world’s largest island transitioned from colony to become part of the Kingdom of Denmark. Today its domestic affairs are considered self-rule, while Denmark is responsible for Greenland’s foreign policy, defense, and currency.

But with regard to Greenland and the women who have lived there, Denmark has had a dirty little secret centered on population control: a relatively recent birth control practice that was forced on thousands of women, for which the country only apologized in September 2025.

According to the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), a group of independent researchers released a report that followed a two-year investigation. That investigation found that Denmark — from 1966 through 1992 — forced sterilization on more than 4,500 women and girls in Greenland, some as young as 12 years old. Many, if not most, were never told.

In the name of population control, doctors implanted an intra-uterine device (IUD) in the unsuspecting patients.

Revelations of this birth control program only came to light in 2022 through a podcast called Spiralkampagnen. While the revelations first emerged three years ago, Denmark’s prime minister, Mette Frederiksen, only issued an apology to Greenland in the Fall of 2025.

She said, “We cannot change what has happened. But we can take responsibility…On behalf of Denmark, I would like to say sorry,” while granting that the women and girls injured by the program had “experienced both physical and psychological harm.”

Outraged critics of the program described it as “systematic discrimination.”

The CFR said that to compile its report, researchers took testimony from 410 cases, 349 of which involved health consequences for the affected women. Hundreds of the victims were from Greenland’s Indigenous population, but the program impacted over 4,000 women and girls in total. While the researchers revealed that patients had the IUDs implanted without consent, in some cases women and girls received injections that left them infertile.

Denmark controlled Greenland’s healthcare sector until 1992. Now, the authors of the investigation’s report have called for authorities to consider whether this pattern of abuse violated Danish and human rights law. Lawyers for 143 women filed a lawsuit over the program. Reports are that 138 of the plaintiffs were minors when they were sterilized.

Last month, the Associated Press reported that Denmark agreed to “compensate thousands of Indigenous women and girls in Greenland over cases of forcible contraception carried out by health authorities over decades starting in the 1960s.”

The Danish health ministry said “women who were given contraception against their knowledge or consent between 1960 and 1991 can apply for individual payouts of 300,000 Danish kroner (about $46,000)” starting in April of this year.

This program in Greenland is not the last time Denmark has found a way to use ghoulish birth control practices to address a societal issue.

In Denmark today, the number and proportion of people with Downs Syndrome are vastly lower than other countries. You might think that Denmark has found a cure for Downs, but that’s not the case. Instead, the country has instituted universal screening among pregnant women for early detection of Downs Syndrome among their babies.

In 2019, in a country of over 6 million people, only 18 children were born with Downs in Denmark. This demonstrates the dramatic impact abortion has had on that population. The average number of babies born with Downs at present is roughly 21-34 per year.

Pundits, myself included, have been having a little fun with the prospect of the U.S. taking control of Greenland at the expense of such a small country as Denmark, but I’m not laughing now. Stories like these provide proof that even a small country can foster the worst kind of inhumanity, and for that reason alone, it should be taken seriously.

This entry was posted in Uncategorized on January 18, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

THE TRUMP STORE IN PHILLY, PLANS TO CLOSE…

Trump Store to Close as Sales Falter, With No Election Battles Ahead

The shop in suburban Philadelphia had been a gathering spot for the MAGA crowd to rally during the 2024 campaign.

Mike Domanico standing in his store with T-shirts and banners emblazoned with photos and slogans supporting President Trump hanging behind him.
Mike Domanico, the owner of a store that sells Trump merchandise in Bensalem, Pa., said it was time to close its doors.Credit…Hannah Beier for The New York Times

Nestled in a strip mall in suburban Philadelphia, The Trump Store is hard to miss with its all-caps sign in bold next to a photo of President Trump hugging the American flag. But after six years of drawing MAGA supporters from all over, the 800-square-foot store that sports everything from hats and watches emblazoned with the president’s name is closing.

The store’s owner, 56-year-old Mike Domanico, said that, with sales down, it was time.

“He’s not running again,” Mr. Domanico said of the president, who is barred from seeking a third term by the Constitution. “When something’s happening like an election’s coming up or something in the news happens with Trump, the sales jump. But since there’s no election coming up, things have slowed down.”

The Trump store was stocked with stuffed animals, T-shirts, hats and the works. Credit…Hannah Beier for The New York Times

By the time Mr. Domanico decided to close the store on Jan. 31, he was making roughly 30 sales per day — just a fraction of what he once earned.

He recalled making about 100 sales per day in the months leading up to the 2024 presidential election, and roughly double or triple that amount when the store first opened to immense demand in February 2020, when Mr. Trump was seeking re-election after his first term.

“I did very well for the store for six years and it’s just time to move on for me,” he said. The store owner said he wanted to focus on his other businesses, including selling gun-related items.

The store, in Bensalem, Pa., was a magnet for the Make America Great Again crowd. Large numbers of the politically like-minded gathered in its parking lot for pro-Trump rallies leading up to the 2024 presidential election.

“It was a place that you could go to sing and dance and celebrate Trump,” said Bobbie Murphy, who frequented the store and its rallies. She added, “It put Bensalem on the map. They came from everywhere for that store.”

Ms. Murphy, a real estate agent in Bensalem, has collected 50 to 100 pieces of Trump merchandise over the years, including shirts, hats, stuffed animals and tree ornaments.

“We think small. We don’t think big,” like the president, she said.

Adam Berinsky, a political science professor at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and director of the MIT Political Experiments Research Lab, said that kind of loyalty is why he would warn against viewing the store’s closure as a sign that the president’s core base was faltering — even if he’s unpopular with the general public.

Yphtach Lelkes, an associate professor of communications at the University of Pennsylvania, similarly said that the president’s most loyal supporters are unlikely to leave him. But the decline in sales could signal less enthusiasm among more casual Trump backers who might think twice before sporting a MAGA hat in public.

“It’s not only what you believe, but what you perceive other people believe,” he said. “So if you’re a Trump supporter and you can increasingly see people around you dislike him, it’s going to be riskier to go around donning that signal.”

Image

A woman shops for pro-Trump gear, like decals and coffee mugs.
Kathy Knowles shopping at the store on Thursday.Credit…Hannah Beier for The New York Times

Mr. Trump’s approval rating is mired at 42 percent, according to a New York Times polling average. The only presidency this century that had a lower approval rating at this point in a term was also Mr. Trump’s, during his first term.

Mr. Domanico said he has been a Trump supporter since the 1980s. He admired Mr. Trump’s ambition and success as a real estate developer, and watched “The Apprentice” religiously.

In 2019, he was a general contractor and selling T-shirts at local car shows when someone requested he make Trump T-shirts. He brought about 20 Trump T-shirts to the next car show, and sold out in about half an hour. He began setting up a “Trump 2020” tent in front of his office once a week where he peddled more Trump gear.

“Immediately it was a hit,” he said.

Once a week soon became daily. He moved the growing business to a kiosk at Neshaminy Mall, several miles down the road from the closing brick-and-mortar store, for a couple months before finding its final home at the strip mall, which also features Latin American and Chinese eateries as well as an African goods store.

Image

A store front in a strip mall with a rack of T-shirts and banners and signs that promote President Trump.
The Trump Store in Bensalem, Pa., outside Philadelphia is scheduled to close on Jan. 31.Credit…Hannah Beier for The New York Times

“It took me a couple months to find somewhere, because as soon as I said Trump store to any of the landlords, they were like no way, we don’t want any problems with our building,” Mr. Domanico said.

The store opened in February 2020 to fanfare among conservatives in the swing county with lines out the door. He sold out in the first week.

“It was nuts from the very beginning and one thing led to another and it was crazy and we had a lot of fun with it,” he said.

This entry was posted in TRUMP on January 16, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

FORECLOSURE FILINGS ARE UP AND APPEAR TO GROW EVEN MORE!

Banks seize 367,000 homes as housing pain spreads across US… and it is about to get much worse

The past year was difficult for homeowners — but experts warn that 2026 could be even more challenging.

Foreclosures — when a bank or lender takes back a home after missed mortgage payments — rose 14 percent from a year earlier.

In total, 367,460 US properties faced foreclosure filings in 2025, meaning they were in some stage of being taken over by a lender, according to ATTOM’s data.

Experts warn even more homes may be seized in 2026. ‘If the job market weakens, and it may very well, then we could unfortunately down the road see the increase in the foreclosure rate significantly accelerate,’ said economist Michael Szanto.

Indeed, the outlook for the housing market — and the wider economy — is increasingly bleak. In total, the US added only around 584,000 jobs in 2025, making it the weakest year for job growth outside a recession since 2003.

As foreclosures rise, neighborhoods are flooded with discounted, bank-owned homes, dragging down nearby property values. For homeowners, that often means losing equity simply because of where they live.

A surge in foreclosure filings are a symptom of deeper financial problems: homeowners squeezed by higher taxes and interest costs are falling behind, as they fail to pay other debts, such as credit cards and car loans, as well.

That dynamic is reviving fears of a downturn reminiscent of 2008.

Foreclosure is when a bank or lender takes back a home because the owner hasn’t made the required mortgage payments

Economist Michael Szanto

If Americans are struggling to pay their mortgages, they’re likely cutting back on essentials like food, transportation, and healthcare — an affordability crunch that weighs on economic growth.

Foreclosures were most concentrated in a handful of states in 2025, with Florida topping the list at one filing for every 230 homes — an unsettling sign in a state already grappling with soaring insurance and housing costs.

Szanto explained that Florida’s condo crisis was partly responsible: ‘Florida is being uniquely affected by a massive rise in assessments for older condo buildings in response to the tragic Surfside collapse.’

Delaware followed closely at one in every 240 housing units, while South Carolina wasn’t far behind at one in 242.

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Illinois and Nevada rounded out the top five, each posting foreclosure filings on roughly one out of every 248 homes, underscoring that financial strain is spreading well beyond any single region.

A closer look at metro areas paints an even starker picture. Among the 225 metropolitan regions with at least 200,000 residents, Lakeland, Florida, stood out with the highest foreclosure rate in the country in 2025, with one in every 145 homes entering the foreclosure process.

Columbia, South Carolina followed at one in 165, while Cleveland, Ohio ranked third at one in 187.

Florida appeared again on the list with Cape Coral (one in 189), joined by Atlantic City, New Jersey, where one in every 192 housing units faced a foreclosure filing — signaling mounting stress in both Sun Belt and legacy markets alike.

Las Vegas was one of the cities that saw the most concerning foreclosure rates in 2025

Las Vegas was one of the cities that saw the most concerning foreclosure rates in 2025

Amongst the metro areas most affected by foreclosure filings was Cleveland, Ohio (pictured)

Amongst the metro areas most affected by foreclosure filings was Cleveland, Ohio (pictured)

Among the 225 metropolitan regions with at least 200,000 residents, Lakeland, Florida (pictured) stood out with the highest foreclosure rate in the country in 2025

Among the 225 metropolitan regions with at least 200,000 residents, Lakeland, Florida (pictured) stood out with the highest foreclosure rate in the country in 2025

Rob Barber, CEO at ATTOM

The pressure was also evident in the nation’s largest metro areas.

Among cities with populations exceeding one million, Jacksonville, Florida posted the worst foreclosure rate in 2025, with one filing for every 200 homes.

Las Vegas wasn’t far behind at one in 210, followed by Chicago at one in 214 and Orlando at one in 217, highlighting that even major housing markets are increasingly feeling the strain.

‘The main weakness of our housing market is still a major supply shortage combined with factors like higher mortgage rates locking out many would be new homebuyers,’ said Szanto.

While the data seems concerning, Attom’s CEO Rob Barber says it simply reflects a ‘continued normalization of the housing market following several years of historically low levels’.

Last month, ATTOM’s data showed the number of homeowners falling behind to be rising every single month.

In November, 35,651 properties had a foreclosure filing — up a staggering 21 percent from just one year earlier.

This entry was posted in Uncategorized on January 15, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

WHAT HAPPENED TO THE MANUFACTURING BOOM PREDICTED BY TRUMP?

Introducing the highest U.S. tariffs since the Great Depression, President Donald Trump made a clear promise in the spring: “Jobs and factories will come roaring back into our country.”

They haven’t.

Manufacturing employment has declined every month since what Trump dubbed “Liberation Day” in April, saying his widespread tariffs would begin to rebalance global trade in favor of American workers. U.S. factories employ 12.7 million people today, 72,000 fewer than when Trump made his Rose Garden announcement.

iThe trade measures that the president said would

So while tariffs have protected American manufacturers like steel mills from foreign competition, they have raised costs for many others. Auto and auto parts employment, for example, has dipped by about 20,000 jobs since April.

“2025 should have been a good year for manufacturing employment, and that didn’t happen. I think you really have to indict tariffs for that,” said economist Michael Hicks, director of the Center for Business and Economic Research at Ball State in Muncie, Indiana.

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Small- and midsize businesses have found Trump’s on-again, off-again tariffs especially vexing. Fifty-seven percent of midsize manufacturers and 40 percent of small producers said they had no certainty about their input costs in a November survey by the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond. Only 23 percent of large manufacturers shared that complaint.

Smaller companies also were more than twice as likely to respond to tariffs by delaying investments in new plants and equipment, the survey found. One reason could be that taxes on imports raise the price of goods used in production much more than they do with typical consumer items, according to a study by the San Francisco Fed.

Industries producing more technologically complex goods such as aircraft and semiconductors also are paying an outsize price, according to Gary Winslett, director of the international politics and economics program at Middlebury College. Makers of semiconductors, for example, shed more than 13,000 jobs since April.

“They’re the ones who need the imported inputs. Really advanced manufacturing is actually what’s getting hit the hardest,” he said.

Trump’s tariffs, however, are not the industrial sector’s only headache. Factory payrolls began their post-pandemic decline in early 2023, almost two years before Trump returned to the White House.

High interest rates and a shift in consumer spending patterns are hurting the nation’s manufacturers, economists said. Business loans are more than twice as expensive as they were four years ago, with banks charging their most creditworthy borrowers interest rates of 6.75 percent. That discourages businesses from expanding operations and hiring additional workers.

After bingeing during the height of the pandemic on durable goods, consumers have gradually redirected their spending to in-person services. Money that once went to makers of furniture, televisions and exercise machines now goes instead to restaurants and entertainment venues.

In Indiana, the spending switch can be glimpsed in the fortunes of the recreational vehicle industry, a local mainstay. RV shipments soared to a record 600,400 in 2021 as consumers trapped at home by the pandemic hit the road. But by 2024, the work-from-home era was over, and sales fell by nearly half. Thor Industries, the largest RV manufacturer, laid off several hundred workers last year, as demand flagged.

Once Trump returned to the White House, manufacturers responded by over-ordering imports to beat the anticipated tariffs. That’s left many producers with more inventory than they need, suggesting cuts lie ahead, according to Hicks.

“The manufacturing job losses that we see now are really just the beginning of what will be a pretty grim couple of quarters as manufacturing adjusts to a new lower level of demand,” he said.

Modest numbers of manufacturing jobs have been trimmed throughout the economy. In December, Westlake Corp., a Houston-based producer of industrial chemicals, said it would idle four production lines at facilities in Louisiana and Mississippi, putting 295 employees out of work. Speaking on an investor call, company executives blamed excess global capacity and weak demand for the move.

While the jobs that Trump promised have not materialized, factory output rose in 2025, reaching its highest mark in almost three years, according to Federal Reserve data, and administration officials said it is only a matter of time before the full benefits of the president’s plan are felt.

Trump’s tariffs and jawboning encourage CEOs to invest in new U.S. plants. Provisions in the president’s signature fiscal legislation permitting companies to quickly write off the full expense of new investments in equipment and research and development expenses will spur modern manufacturing, they said.

“It also encourages the build-out of high-precision manufacturing here at home, which will lead to high-paying construction and factory jobs,” Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in a speech this month.

Companies are spending more than three times as much on constructing new factories as they did when Trump was first inaugurated, though less than during the Biden-era peak. The White House last fall hailed recent investment announcements by companies such as Stellantis and Whirlpool. Last month, T. RAD North America, a subsidiary of a Japanese manufacturer, announced plans for a new auto parts plant in Clarksville, Tennessee, which would employ 928 workers.

Nick Iacovella, a spokesman for the Coalition for a Prosperous America, which backs Trump’s manufacturing policies, said the roughly 1 percent shrinkage in factory employment last year was less significant than the uptick in business investment.

“We saw a significant increase in capital expenditures, which is the earliest signal that reindustrialization is taking hold. Those investments take time to permit, build and staff before they show up in employment data,” he said.

The president’s hopes of increasing manufacturing employment defy decades of experience in the United States and other advanced economies. American factory jobs peaked at 19.5 million in the summer of 1979 and have been sliding ever since, largely because of the introduction of machinery that can do the job of several workers.

As two presidents sought to revive domestic production over the past decade, manufacturing employment rode a roller coaster. Factory jobs increased by 421,000 during Trump’s first term before sinking by more than 1 million during the pandemic. President Joe Biden used government subsidies to encourage hiring, especially for green energy projects, and manufacturing payrolls rose more than 100,000 above Trump’s highest mark.

But those gains evaporated by the end of 2024.

On Tuesday, the president addressed the Detroit Economic Club, touting “the strongest and fastest economic turnaround in our country’s history.” He boasted about growth, productivity, investment, incomes, inflation and the stock market.

“The Trump economic boom is officially begun,” the president said.

All that’s missing now are the jobs.

This entry was posted in Uncategorized on January 15, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

SOMALI FAKE PATIENT AND DAYCARE TRANSPORTATION COMPANIES ARE MASSIVE FRAUD!

The Most Sketchy Business Here’: Nick Shirley Goes in Search of Somali Transportation Companies

by Mariane Angela, DCNF
January 15, 2026
in Curated, Videos
Reading Time: 3 mins read
Nick Shirley

(DCNF)—Independent investigative journalist Nick Shirley uncovered additional alleged welfare fraud in Minneapolis in a new video released Tuesday, documenting transportation companies with idle vans and questionable addresses.

In Shirley’s latest upload he uncovered more signs of widespread welfare fraud while investigating transportation companies tied to Minnesota’s public assistance system, pointing to idle vehicles, nonexistent offices, and businesses that appear to exist only on paper. While visiting a listed address for Dreamline Transportation, Shirley said the registered location was a liquor store lined with mailboxes.

Shirley also documented more than a dozen vans branded with Dreamline’s name sitting untouched for months, buried in snow with no tire tracks. The video showed that the vehicles were photographed repeatedly over an eight-month period and found parked in the exact same positions, suggesting they were never used to transport anyone.

Shirley said the findings raised questions about claims that the vans serve healthcare, childcare, or adult daycare clients.

“If these vans are being used to transport people, whether it be healthcare or childcare, there would be snow tracks. And there’s one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, 10, 11 vehicles here. No snow tracks anywhere,” Shirley said.

The investigation then turned to Silver Mountain Inc. LLC, another firm listed at a Minneapolis address. When Shirley and his companion David asked the building’s occupants about Silver Mountain, they said they had never heard of it. One man ordered the journalists to leave.

“All right, we’re moving on. So, Silver Mountain does not exist,” Shirley concluded.

Shirley said the pattern repeated across multiple sites, with three different welfare-linked companies allegedly tied to the same address. He said these transportation firms play a central role in enabling fraud by creating a paper trail that makes it appear people are moved between daycare centers, healthcare providers, and other services that never actually receive them.

At another location tied to Eponia Transport LLC, Shirley found no signage, no vehicles, and little evidence of an operating business. A neighboring office tenant told him the supposed transportation operator rarely appeared and kept an office containing little more than a couch.

“So there was a transportation company here in 305, for a long time, even before I joined the building a few years ago. He’s never really here. I’ve seen the office a couple times. There’s barely anything in there but a couch. And then I see him maybe twice a month.”

“And there’s no transport vehicles outside?” Shirley asked the man.

“I know everybody in the building,” the man said. “And this specific space here is probably the most sketchy out of any other business here.”

As Shirley pressed his investigation further, he asked how long the alleged scheme could survive if Minnesota cut off transportation reimbursements. His companion David responded that removing that single component would have an immediate impact.

“How quick do you think the fraud would dry out here in Minnesota if they were to cut out the transportation side of the fraud?” Shirley asked.

“I think it would have a massive effect and that the signal that that would send would let people know the party’s over,” David said.

Shirley posted another video on Jan. 6, accusing Minnesota’s medical transport network of widespread abuse. He said his year-long probe uncovered about 1,200 medical ride providers operating statewide. Shirley conducted the investigation alongside David, whom he credited with supplying research, records, and on-the-ground observations that helped reveal what he called large-scale fraud.

This entry was posted in SOMALI FRAUDSTERS on January 15, 2026 by sterlingcooper.

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